Showing posts with label Worley. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Worley. Show all posts

Monday, June 3, 2013

I Do Not Want to Hear One Word of Complaint About Dr. Joe Reed. Not One.

Last Saturday, I attended the meeting of the State Democratic Executive Committee, of which I am not a member.

 
Which is more than 174 of the 285 members of that Committee did.
 

This was not a trivial or routine meeting. The office of Chairman - or “Chair,” as the amendment to the Bylaws adopted at that meeting now calls it - has been vacant since the resignation of Judge Mark Kennedy. That in itself was enough reason for any member to set aside any but the most pressing personal reasons to attend. Our Party has no one who can speak with the full authority of the office on any issue that presents itself to the public attention. There is no one in place to be making the long-term plans that are vital to any success we hope to have in 2014. Perhaps most importantly, there is not a permanent Chair in place to address the dire financial situation of the Party. As Acting Chair Nancy Worley noted, the Party’s balance sheet reflects insolvency. Outstanding debts exceed $500,000.00, and cash on hand is barely sufficient to pay the rent, phone, and power bills at the Party headquarters for another month or two. Unless this financial situation improves - and it will not so long as there is no permanent Chair - 2014 will resemble nothing so much as the surrender of the CSS Shenandoah

This meeting cannot be understood without accounting for the role in Party affairs of Dr. Joe Reed, head of the Alabama Democratic Conference and Vice Chair for Minority Affairs of the SDEC for far longer than the lifespans of the Millennials who make up the bulk of the Obama rank and file. Through fair means or foul, Reed controls the largest single bloc of votes on the SDEC. Of the numerous questions on which division of the house was called at Saturday’s meeting, every one went Reed’s way by a roughly 95-15 vote. Even if you assume, as I do, that Reed had almost all of his firm supporters present at the Embassy Suites, a bloc of 95 votes on a 285-member Committee is significant.


Reed has one thing in common with Justin Bieber: everyone seems either to hate him, or to love him. The dedication of his supporters is evident from the uniformity of the votes at Saturday’s meeting. On the other hand, it doesn’t tax Google’s servers to find withering criticism of his positions on issues, or his leadership style.

It is not my intention, in this post, either to bury Cæsar, or to praise him. Reed and I have been on the same side of many fights, and fought like rutting bucks on some issues. The important thing for consideration here is Reed’s role in the disgraceful attendance at Saturday’s meeting, even if it was not, strictly speaking, his direct fault.

As everyone following intraparty Democratic politics in Alabama knows, Judge Kennedy’s resignation as Chair was prompted by a dispute with Reed over Party management issues. Most notably, Kennedy had dismissed a Party staffer who was a Reed apparatchik, and opened an SDEC field office in Birmingham, which Reed opposed. After his resignation, Kennedy formed the Alabama Democratic Majority, a group with no legal ties to the Party, which says it wants to do grassroots work to rebuild the Party. Unkind public words have flown between Kennedy and his supporters on one hand, and Reed and Worley on the other.

Try as I might, I cannot blame the embarrassing number of empty seats at Saturday’s meeting on anything other than these hard feelings. Reed’s opponents on the Committee, perhaps persuaded they could not outvote him, simply stayed home by the score. Looking at the most current roster of the SDEC, I can easily count “scores” of members who generally oppose Reed’s positions on the Committee, who were not there.

To Dr. Reed and his supporters, I tip my hat. Had I been a member of the Committee, I probably would have voted against you on some issues that came before the Committee at that meeting. But you took your responsibility as holders of an elective office seriously, and showed up to fulfill your duty as holders of that office.

To the 15 or so Reed opponents who attended, and who taxed, almost to its limit, Acting Chair Worley’s encyclopedic knowledge of Robert’s Rules of Order,  I likewise raise my glass. Quixotic though your efforts may have been, you have earned the right to cuss Joe Reed to your heart’s content.

To the Reed opponents who were elsewhere Saturday - a large fraction of the 174 absentees - I direct your attention to the title of this post.

In a touchy-feely sense, the SDEC is not “the Party.” The Party consists of the hundreds of thousands of working Alabamians who share our belief in public education, equality, and the value of human dignity over corporate profits. But in the eyes of the Democratic National Committee, and in the view of the Code of Alabama, the SDEC is “the Party.” However valuable the contributions of the ADM, the Young Democrats, the College Democrats, the High School Democrats, the Alabama Federation of Democratic Women, the House and Senate caucuses, or, for that matter, Reed’s ADC, they are not the governing body of the Party. They will not be called on by the DNC to select Alabama’s representatives to it, or delegates to the 2016 Democratic National Convention. They are not charged by law with conducting the primary, or adjudicating election contests. (The Alabama Supreme Court has held that, “in hearing election contests, party committees sit as courts of special or limited jurisdiction.” Perloff v. Edington, 293 Ala. 277, 280, 302 So.2d 92, 95 (1974)(emphasis added).)

With that thought in mind,  can you imagine the outrage if a judge stayed home because he didn’t like what was on his court calendar that day? Or what would be said if a member
of the Legislature or a city council boycotted a session because they weren’t going to get their way - or simply because they had “other things” they wanted to do? To be a member of the SDEC is to hold an elected public office, and if you’re going to revel in your recognition as “our State Committeewoman” at the local Party club meeting, you need to respect that office, and its duties, as much as you would a seat on the city council or county commission.

I acknowledge that notices for this meeting were late getting out, and in a limited number of cases may not have reached the Committee members. That has to improve. Still, virtually everyone got their notice by the day before, and that was plenty of time to make arrangements to be there. As a member of that broader touchy-feely version of “the Party,” I am insulted if you thought the beach, or the golf course, or even (only one of several) of your child’s soccer games were more important. If you don’t want to do your duty as an elected official, step down and help us find someone from your district who will. I don’t blame the handful of absent members who were too ill to travel Saturday, or even those who might have been put to substantial expense to change flight or travel plans to make the meeting. But there is no way more than a handful of the 174 absentees had excuses that valid.

And if your absence was occasioned by your dislike of Joe Reed, and you expressed that dislike by sitting at home, I am even more upset. If our Party is worth supporting, it is worth fighting to put it back on a winning trajectory. Other than myself, and Dr. Reed, very few of the people present on Saturday have personal memories of the fight for control of the SDEC in 1974. Ironically, the “bad guy” in that fight was Governor George Wallace, the father-in-law of Judge Kennedy. Wallace sought to detach the Alabama Democratic Party from the national Party, and perhaps capture the Democratic presidential line on the ballot instead of the national nominee in the 1976 presidential election, as he had done in
1968. He was opposed in that effort by Judge Robert S. Vance, Sr., father of our 2012 Chief Justice nominee and the then-incumbent Chair, and his “loyalist” (as in “loyal” to the national Party) caucus. As a young lawyer, Vance was active on the right side of the early civil rights movement. His tenure as Chair saw the Party doing the right things in terms of minority representation on the SDEC, and holding a monopoly on statewide elected offices. In short, he was the best Chair the SDEC has ever had. (Coincidentally, the 1974 fight was one of those many instances where Reed and I were in agreement.)

Judge Vance, Sr., did not win that fight against Wallace in 1974 by sitting home on his backside, or by idly deprecating Wallace over beers at the lake. He did it by recruiting loyalist candidates for the SDEC in the 1974 primary, and organizing and turning them out for the organizational meeting at Birmingham’s unlamented late Parliament House Hotel like a well-oiled machine. To those who say “there’s no point in fighting Reed, so I’m not driving to Montgomery to try,” I point you to Judge Vance’s example. Reed had almost all of his troops present Saturday, and still only produced 90-95 votes on the typical issue. There is every chance that he can be outvoted if 200 or more members (including the Reed group) grace us with their presence, and engage in the slightest degree of organization and planning. Futility is no more valid an excuse for your absence than one of a dozen soccer games in your child’s season.


Has Joe Reed, like a certain British monarch, tragically stayed too long in his post, to the detriment of the realm? That is a topic far beyond the scope of this blog post. I will tell both sides of that fight, that we cannot beat the Republicans without the votes Joe Reed and his supporters represent. Neither can we beat them if we cannot reach beyond those voters. What I can say here, is that if antipathy - or even just apathy - have reached the stage where only 38% of the SDEC can be bothered to attend a critical meeting, we are in trouble. If that does not change, the Democratic Party in Alabama will soon be no more relevant than it is in Wyoming or Utah. The Bylaws of the SDEC (warning: Saturday’s amendments are not yet reflected in this link) make provision for removal of those who skip three successive meetings without excuse. It
is my hope that we do not have to enforce that rule to save the Party. I leave those who were on the golf course or lakefront Saturday to consider these thoughts. For me and mine, we will continue to remember the words of our 2000 standard bearer, which I echoed with the crowd in Legislative Plaza in Nashville on Election Night 2000, and “stay and fight.”


                                                                                                  



On a sadder note, I would be remiss if I did not note one SDEC member who was absent Saturday, as she passed away in a Tuscaloosa hospital that day. Barbara Bobo served for decades on the SDEC, served several terms as Mayor of Millport, and was perhaps best known as the unbashful and opinionated publisher of The West Alabama Gazette. Her frequent appearances as a panelist on Alabama Public Television’s For the Record were never pleasant for Republican guests, and never to be missed.  Requiescat in pace, serva bona et fidelem.

Friday, July 23, 2010

Pickup Opportunity - Secretary of State

Anyone who doubts the importance of the office of Secretary of State need only remember Florida, in November 2000, when Republican Katherine Harris played a pivotal role in stealing Florida's electoral votes for George W. Bush. In Alabama's stolen gubernatorial election of 2002, Alcibiadean Secretary of State Jim Bennett had a key role in blocking the recount of the "After-Midnight" 6,000 vote swing in Baldwin County that handed the election to Riley. Even in the absence of a cliffhanger, the office has a lot of influence over the entire electoral process. In a state where there are always Republican schemes afoot to disfranchise minority voters, either illegally or by changing the law, it's a big advantage to the party controlling this office to be able to collect the media coverage that follows a Secretary of State's pronouncements on any voting issue.

In short, this is an important office.

And, despite the fact that Republican incumbent Beth Chapman avoided a primary challenge (which speaks volumes to the lack of depth in the Republican bench), this office presents a key pickup opportunity among the so-called "constitutional" offices. The Democratic nominee is Scott Gilliland, a Birmingham lawyer. Despite the usual advantages of incumbent name recognition, this office represents a real pickup opportunity for Democrats in 2010. In order to understand why, we need a brief look at how the race for this office fared in the last two cycles.

In the 1998 Democratic near-sweep of statewide offices, one of the few losers was former AEA president, and retired high school Latin teacher, Nancy Worley. She was running against incumbent Jim Bennett, who had switched to the Republican Party after being one of the few Democrats to win statewide in 1994. Other than betraying his party, Bennett had managed not to become entangled in any scandals or controversies, and his name recognition proved too much to overcome. Worley, however, made an effort in 2002 to succeed the term-limited Bennett. This time, she was blessed by circumstances. First, despite premature media political obituaries, Governor Don Siegelman won re-election, though not by a sufficient margin to prevent the "After Midnight" recount theft. Worley was also the beneficiary of an internal bloodbath in the GOP primary between State Representative Dave Thomas of Springville and Roy Moore acolyte Dean Young. In one of the more famous moments in recent Alabama politics, their joint appearance on Alabama Public Television's For the Record degenerated into a shouting match which included repeated offers to step outside to settle matters "mano a mano." When your fall opponent is threatening a fistfight on television with his primary opponent, that is almost always a good sign in politics. As shown on the map, Worley carried most of the more heavily populated counties en route to a 50.1%-49.9% win.

2006 would prove more difficult for Worley. She had made numerous changes in her term that did not sit well with holdover staff from the Bennett secretariat. She was challenged in the Democratic primary by her own elections division director, Ed Packard. Worley handily won the primary, 75.8%-25.2%, but Packard made repeated accusations of improprieties on Worley's part. These accusations were of course amplified and repeated by some of the more Republican-leaning media in Alabama. GOP attorney general Troy King, then still in favor with the Republican High Command, initiated a criminal investigation of Worley. This resulted in felony charges against Worley, which were later dismissed by the circuit court, but reinstated by the GOP-dominated Court of Criminal Appeals. Many legal observers doubt that the charges - which are still pending - will stand, as they are based on the innocuous - and probably Constitutionally protected - delivery of a short letter to State office staff, asking for their votes. (King had not charged GOP Treasurer Kay Ivey for a fundraising letter sent to her office staff.) The relentless repetition of "investigation" and "possible charges" in the media, combined with a strong showing by Bob Riley at the top of the GOP ticket, proved more than Worley could handle. The significant shift in votes to the Republicans is shown in the map to the left, and Chapman beat Worley 57.6%-42.4%. Not only did Worley lose some swing counties she had carried in 2002, Chapman carried several counties considered part of the Democratic base, such as Lauderdale, Marion and Etowah.

If Chapman - pictured to the left - wait, wrong Beth Chapman, pictured to the right (not sure there's any improvement) - was so formidable a candidate in 2006, why is she vulnerable in 2010? Well, what goes around, comes around. This time, it is Chapman who can't seem to put one foot in front of another without crossing an actual ethical boundary. For starters, it emerged that, in her 2006 campaign, she put her teenage sons on the payroll at far above manual-labor rates to "distribute signs" and other material, allowing her to divert campaign funds to Chez Chapman. But it doesn't stop there. In 2008, an Associated Press story revealed that Chapman - who frequently refers to herself as a "full time" Secretary of State - is paid $50,000.00 a year by her "consulting firm." To most Alabamians, that sounds like a full-time salary. What's worse, her "consulting firm" counts among its (apparently few) clients a charity, Shelby County CASA, which gets funding from the State. State funding doled out by the administration of Bob Riley, of whom Chapman is a political ally. Although Chapman was not formally charged in these affairs, the stink lingers.

How has this played out among the chattering classes? Not very well. Consider the following editorial thunder about the lapses:
Chapman is cozying right up to the ethics wall, and she likely cracked a few bricks. But she dodged "official" sanction when the Alabama Ethics Commission voted 4-1 last week to close the complaint against her, finding there was insufficient evidence to take it further.

But Chapman should have known she was in the red-flag zone to begin with. It's not like she's unfamiliar with state policies or the ethics law, considering she served as state auditor before running for secretary of state. And if Chapman didn't know she was tip-toeing awfully close to the line, well, that tells us something, too.

* * *

This shows again that a public official doesn't have to do something illegal to do something wrong. Paying yourself and your family to work in your campaign months after the campaign is over is wrong.
Who came down on Chapman like a ton of bricks? One of the handful of Democratic-leaning newspapers, like The Decatur Daily or The Anniston Star? No, this condemnation came straight off the editorial page of the usually-Republican Birmingham News. Now, if the News stomps on Republican toes this hard, it tells us several things. First, the toes are connected to a true slimeball. Secondly, that even the News is going to be hard-pressed not to prominently feature issues about which it editorialized so strongly, when it runs stories on the race this year (not to mention the implications for its own endorsement). Thirdly, that the News's position can be used to leverage both editorial endorsements and favorable coverage from other media outlets.

It is management of free media coverage, probably more than anything, that is going to be the key to Gilliland's success vel non in this campaign. Chapman, more than any Republican on their statewide ticket, has set herself up for the same sort of death-by-a-thousand-cuts that she was able to inflict on Worley in 2006. If my name were Scott Gilliland, I would identify the beat reporter assigned to this race at every major newspaper in the state, (if not every daily), and at the AP in Montgomery, and have their numbers in my BlackBerry for at least weekly chats, feeding them a weekly diet of something newsworthy. I wouldn't be bashful about educating them (if they don't know) about Chapman's ethical lapses, and giving them juicy, quotable quotes. ("I will be an ethical Secretary of State," won't get quoted. "Beth Chapman is the Rod Blagojevich of Alabama politics," just might.) In a related vein, he should set up some organized group of 5-10 friends, relatives, supporters, or clients who owe him money, and get each of them to each email a letter to the editor a week to every paper in the state. These letters should not hesitate to rehash the dirt on Chapman. Even though only a percentage of such letters are printed, some will be, and the cumulative readership of the editorial pages of all Alabama newspapers is in the tens, if not scores, of thousands. And such readers are high-frequency voters. These letters will have the added impact of influencing editorial endorsements and the quantity and tenor of news coverage.

What both these ideas have in common - and I by no means think they are the only such ideas - is that they are almost cost-free to the Gilliland campaign. Most newspapers accept emailed letters, and copy+paste makes sending a letter to every paper a job of a few minutes a week. Leveraging resources in this way is another absolutely necessary step for Gilliland. As he is probably learning, this is not a race that gets well-bankrolled, even for an incumbent. Few interest groups, other than financial firms that mass-file UCC filings, have a vested interest in relationships with the Secretary of State. Gilliland will be hard pressed to match Chapman financially, as she is the darling of Tea Party types who will give her $100 a clip, so this leveraging is vital. Another resource (more political than financial) for which he can reach in this race are the Democratic probate judges, most of whom long for a Democratic Secretary of State. Probate judges have juice in their respective counties, and no one was ever hurt by having the local probate judge quoted in the local paper as being a supporter. Not to mention, it is rare that a probate judge can't give at least one valuable pointer about something in his or her county. Finally, Gilliland can probably benefit from linking Chapman to Bob Riley in Houston County, where his ongoing crusade against employment (see, "Country Crossing") has him extremely unpopular in that must-win county for a statewide Republican. To the extent Gilliland does expend financial resources - on signage, paid media, or whatever - he will have to focus on those counties that switched from blue to red between the two maps above - and take back the Democratic base.

To overcome Chapman's structural advantages, Gilliland is going to have to approach this race on an around-the-clock basis from this point forward. He's going to have to be willing to draw clear lines between himself and his ethically challenged opponent, and not hesitate to land as hard a punch as he can throw when her guard is down. If this is a contest between an all-positive Gilliland message and Chapman talking about her version of "God and Country," Gilliland won't win. If he can take the attack to Chapman, not only is a nice job in Montgomery waiting in January, there are likely to be term-limited constitutional officers in 2014 in both parties. Finally, he has one natural advantage: everyone roots for the underdog. This race is absolutely winnable.